Abstract
This paper is a critical commentary on the organizational challenges for collectivization of domestic workers (DWs) who constitute a core part of India’s informal economy. Building upon field research among DWs working in a mega-city and in multiple homes, we explore three challenges—the transformation of labor NGOs to ‘unions,’ the ‘place’ of the union and the ‘place’ of the worker in organizing DWs. While the first challenge deals with the form of the collective that best enables the transformation of subjectivity and consciousness of DWs from ‘servant’ to ‘worker,’ the latter two emerge from the structure of work of DWs—the fact that they are dispersed among multiple employers, and the possibilities offered by large apartment complexes for DW unions to work in concert with the state to guarantee worker rights.

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Notes
There are other terms that are in use in popular discourse to refer to DWs. We use the term DW in our research to refer to the workers who are the subjects of our study, since this is what many of the workers and the collective organization (the union) itself use as their self-representation. Further, almost all the other terms that are frequently used to refer to DWs (almost always by others) are problematic in some manner or another. These include ‘domestic help,’ ‘maids’ and ‘servants.’ Part of our research therefore attends to language and the context of use of such terms by the workers, employers and the general public. We will treat DW therefore as a category of work and workers that is historically and ideologically produced within the political economic and socio-cultural contexts of work and labor in a society.
For this study, the term ‘informal’ is taken to mean any work that is “unregulated and unprotected.” Thus, any worker (self-employed or waged) doing informal work is an informal worker, and the increasing trend in the ratio of informal to formal work is the informalization of the economy (cite). Most estimates of the workforce in India place informal sector workers at around 92% of the workforce (NCEUS 2007).
These data on DWs in India were given by the minister of state of labour and Employment in replying to a debate in Lok Sabha (27.04.2015; accessed on the Lok Sabha website on Friday, February 17, 2017).
Ghosh argues that the low Female Labour Participation Rates are only an apparent phenomenon, since it hides the high rates of domestic duties and allied activities (no. 93 of NSSO) within. Naidu too advances a similar argument.
Although we introduce and use the term ‘domestic worker’ (DW) throughout this paper, we use the term consciously as a category-in-the-making in terms of, both, their legal recognition by the state, and their own consciousness.
In a separate paper, we will engage with the other side of these enabling conditions—the DW as worker. There, we tackle what it means for a DW to think of herself as a ‘worker,’ and how the facts of precarity, patriarchy and informality shape the DW’s sense of ‘worker’.
Most of the microfinance and social entrepreneurs now call their ‘target’ groups or ‘beneficiaries’ as clients.
Most DWs in our study are from Dalit communities.
Pseudonyms for DWs have been used for DWs.
The 2016 notification on minimum wages is above the market wages.
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Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank all domestic workers and union leadership who participated in our study, especially from Domestic Workers Rights Union (DWRU), Stree Jagruti Samiti (SJS), Manekelasa Karmikara Union (Makayu) and Foundation for Educational Innovations in Asia (FEDINA). Research for this paper was supported by the Azim Premji Foundation Research grant.
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Joseph, R., Natrajan, B. & Lobo, R. Domestic workers and the challenges of collectivization: labor NGOs, neighborhoods, apartment complexes. Decision 46, 99–109 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40622-019-00211-y
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40622-019-00211-y

